This site uses cookies.
Some of these cookies are essential to the operation of the site,
while others help to improve your experience by providing insights into how the site is being used.
For more information, please see the ProZ.com privacy policy.
"Translation is not a matter of words only: it is a matter of making intelligible a whole culture." Anthony Burgess
Account type
Freelance translator and/or interpreter, Verified site user
Data security
This person has a SecurePRO™ card. Because this person is not a ProZ.com Plus subscriber, to view his or her SecurePRO™ card you must be a ProZ.com Business member or Plus subscriber.
Affiliations
This person is not affiliated with any business or Blue Board record at ProZ.com.
Spanish to English: NGO report (sample text) General field: Law/Patents
Source text - Spanish "Ahora sí se sabe que en Guatemala se puede hacer dinero.” Palabras del presidente Oscar Berger (2004-2008) durante la presentación del informe “Primer año de vigencia del Tratado de Libre Comercio”.
En 1996, mientras se firmaba la agenda progresista de los Acuerdos de Paz, se puso en marcha el proceso de implementación institucional de la agenda neoliberal: cambios constitucionales, privatizaciones de servicios básicos, acuerdos con bancos multilaterales, reformas legales de las leyes de Minería, de Maquilas, de Inversiones, reconversión bancaria, preparación de los Tratados de Libre Comercio (TLC). Estas son algunas de las múltiples dimensiones de este proceso de construcción de la Guatemala posguerra: estabilizada a nivel social y político, que maneja y asume un discurso neoliberal y que se declara abierta a la inversión extranjera necesaria para su paso a la modernidad.
Hoy, más de 350 concesiones mineras han sido otorgadas en el país a empresas nacionales y transnacionales, y cerca de 40 proyectos hidroeléctricos están listos para empezar a funcionar, con una participación marginal del Estado. El presupuesto de Q46 millones del Ministro de Energía y Minas (MEM), uno de los más bajos del Estado, nos indica cual es el modelo de Estado que se requiere en este contexto: débil, dedicado a entregar concesiones al sector privado y que deja la responsabilidad del desarrollo a las empresas.
De la misma manera, debido a la incapacidad del Estado de asumir su responsabilidad de acción social en las zonas rurales, los grupos económicos privados asumen el rol y el dominio de llevar a cabo los proyectos de salud y educación. Las agendas gubernamentales delineadas en instancias como Programa Nacional de Competitividad (PRONACOM), Plan Visión País, o Invest in Guatemala, constituyen la matriz ideológica y operativa que tienen como objetivo la venta del ”portafolio Guatemala” a través de la atracción de capital internacional en sectores considerados claves: maquilas, call centers, minería, recursos hídricos, turismo e infraestructuras.
Sin embargo, el supuesto consenso internacional acerca del respeto a los derechos humanos obliga a las empresas a obtener la licencia social en las zonas indígenas en donde se están instalando estos mega-proyectos. Por licencia social entendemos la consulta previa y la colaboración de las comunidades en la operación de estos proyectos y procesos. Si bien en unos casos el contexto de extrema pobreza, la falta de Estado y las estrategias de cooptación de líderes han tenido éxito, en la mayoría de los casos las comunidades han rechazado firmemente los proyectos y el modelo de desarrollo propuesto por estas compañías.
Por su parte, el Estado asegura y promueve los marcos legales y los procesos institucionales que posibilitan estas inversiones de los capitales nacionales y transnacionales bajo un discurso que liga el desarrollo a los grandes negocios y que criminaliza toda oposición y resistencia social de las comunidades a los mismos, mediante la intervención represiva de los aparatos de seguridad y justicia, en abierta contradicción con tratados internacionales que establecen la vigencia de los derechos humanos de los pueblos y los mecanismos y leyes nacionales que permiten su defensa.
Translation - English “Now everyone knows that you can make money in Guatemala.” -- President Oscar Berger (2004-2008) during the presentation of the report “The First Year of the Central American Free Trade Agreement”.
In 1996, as the progressive agenda of the Peace Accords was being pushed forward, the steps towards implementing a neoliberal agenda were also in progress: constitutional reforms; the privatization of basic services; agreements with multilateral banks; legal reforms to laws on mining and factories; the restructuring of the banking system; and the preparation of the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA). These are some of the multiple dimensions of a post- war Guatemala: a country that is politically and socially stable, that assumes and manages a neoliberal discourse, and is open to the foreign investment necessary for modernization.
To date, more than 350 mining concessions have been authorized to national and transnational companies, and approximately forty hydroelectric projects are ready to begin functioning, all with marginal participation by the State. The Department of Energy and Mine’s budget of 46 million Quetzales̶one of the country’s lowest budget allocations̶indicates the type of State created within this context: one that is weak, dedicated to giving concessions to the private sector, and that leaves the responsibility of development to businesses.
Likewise, due to the State’s inability to assume responsibility for social services in rural areas, private economic groups take on this role and dominate health and education projects. The agendas outlined in governmental structures such as the National Competitiveness Program (PRONACOM), Plan Visión País or Invest in Guatemala constitute the ideological and operational templates that want to sell the “Guatemalan portfolio” by attracting international capital in key sectors: factories (maquilas), call centers, mining, hydroelectric resources, tourism and infrastructure.
The supposed international consensus around respecting human rights, however, obligates businesses to obtain certain “social licenses” in indigenous areas where they plan to develop mega-projects. Social license is understood here as a prior consultation with said communities and their continued collaboration in the operation of these projects. Though in some cases the exploitation of a context of extreme poverty, the lack of State presence and the co-optation of community leaders has ensured the success of these projects, in the majority of cases, communities have firmly rejected these projects and the type of development proposed by these companies.
Through its use of a discourse that links development with big business and the criminalization of all opposition and social resistance by affected communities, the State protects and promotes the legal framework and institutional processes that allow for investment of national and transnational capital. This investment is supported by the repressive intervention of security forces and the justice system and openly contradicts international treaties and national laws that establish and defend human rights.
Spanish to English: News Article Translation General field: Social Sciences
Source text - Spanish Espana limita su aplicacion de justicia universal, pero sigue caso de genocidio en Guatemala
Prensa Libre
6/25/2009
Madrid - El Parlamento espanol aprobo hoy por una amplia mayoria una reforma legal que limitara la actuacion de la justicia espanola en materia de jurisdiccion universal a los casos en los que existan victimas espanolas o en los que los responsables del delito se encuentren en Espana, pero seguira conociendo el caso de genocidio durante el conflicto armado interno en el pais.
El pleno del Congreso de los Diputados, la camara baja del Parlamento, aprobo con el apoyo de la mayoria de las fuerzas politicas una modificacion de los apartados 4 y 5 del articulo 23 de la Ley Organica del Poder Judicial (LOPJ) , que regula las competencias de la jurisdiccion espanola en delitos de genocidio y lesa humanidad, entre otros.
La reforma, que ahora se envia al Senado (camara alta del Parlamento) , fue respaldada por el gubernamental Partido Socialista y por el conservador Partido Popular, el principal de la oposicion en Espana, ademas de por los nacionalistas catalanes de CIU y los nacionalistas vascos del PNV.
A partir de ahora, como requisitos para que la Justicia espanola pueda actuar bajo el principio de jurisdiccion universal, se establece la necesidad de que se demuestren "vinculos de conexion relevante" con Espana, que haya victimas de nacionalidad espanola o que el autor de delito este en territorio nacional.
Una vez que se aprueben en el Senado las nuevas modificaciones de la LOPJ, los jueces de la Audiencia Nacional ya no podran actuar en esta materia si se ha abierto una investigacion y una "persecucion efectiva" de los hechos denunciados en el pais donde se hayan cometido o en un tribunal internacional.
Y si el pais implicado, o un tribunal internacional, abre otro proceso sobre los mismos delitos, la jurisdiccion espanola debera archivar provisionalmente la causa que haya
Espana tiene expediente abierto para perseguir a los responsables de la quema de la Embajada de Espana en enero de 1980, donde murieron 37 personas, entre ellas tres diplomaticos de ese pais.
Translation - English Spain limits application of universal jurisdiction, but genocide case in Guatemala continues
Prensa Libre
6/25/2009
Madrid-Today the Spanish Parliament approved a legal reform that would limit the Spanish justice system's actions in matters of universal jurisdiction to cases with direct Spanish victims or cases in which the accused are currently in Spain. Nonetheless, the case concerning the genocide during Guatemala's internal armed conflict will continue.
The Lower House of the Spanish Parliament overwhelmingly approved a modification to sections 4 and 5 of article 23 of the Organic Law of Judicial Power, which regulates the authority of Spanish jurisdiction in matters of crimes against humanity and genocide, among other crimes.
The reform, which will now be sent for approval to the Senate (the Upper House of Parliament), was supported by the governing Socialist Party and the conservative Popular Party, the principal opposition party in Spain, as well as by Catalan and Basque nationalist parties.
Looking forward, in order for the Spanish justice system to invoke universal jurisdiction, it will be necessary to demonstrate "links of relevant connection" with Spain; in other words, that the case deal with victims of Spanish nationality, or that the accused currently be within national territory.
If the new modifications are approved by the Senate, Spanish judges will no longer be able hear cases in which "effective prosecution" of the denounced crimes is occurring in the countries where said crimes were committed, or in international courts.
Additionally, if the implicated country or an international tribunal opens another case dealing with the same crimes, the Spanish justice system would have to provisionally table their case.
Spanish courts are currently involved in the prosecution of those responsible for the burning of the Spanish Embassy in January of 1980, in which 37 people were killed, including three Spanish diplomats.
I am a native US English freelance translator working in the language pairs of Spanish > English and French > English.
I hold a Bachelors degree in French from Birmingham-Southern College and am pending approval of my thesis for a Masters degree in Social Anthropology, completed entirely in Spanish, from the Universidad de San Carlos, Guatemala.
I have lived continuously in Central America since 2005, primarily in Guatemala but also in Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Previously I resided one year in Toulouse, France.
My professional experience includes work focusing on the social sciences and education, natural resources, forensic anthropology, government and politics. I also have secondary experience in the travel/tourism industry. As a translator I have worked both in-house and as a freelancer. I have worked in a bilingual environment since 2002.
I have translated documents for end clients including US and foreign government institutions, multilateral institutions, public prosecutor's offices, universities, national and international NGOs and the private sector.
I charge fair prices, love my work and appreciate agencies and clients who share those values.
If you are interested in collaborating, please see my website at:
Expertise